Biography

You were born to a comfortable Protestant family in 1884 in Brackenheim, a small Swabian town near Heilbronn in Württemberg. Your father was government architect Ludwig “Louis” Heuss, and your mother was Elisabeth née Gümbel, who also had two older sons. The family identified closely with the educated professional middle class (Bildungsbürgertum)—one brother became a doctor, the other an architect and professor. Your family also has a long liberal pedigree. Your great-granduncle Friedrich Heuss was one of the revolutionaries in Baden in 1848 and was nicknamed Neckar-Napoleon. He was also a member of the Constituent Assembly of the Grand Duchy of Baden.

After graduating from a humanistic Gymnasium (an elite preparatory high school), you studied economics, art history, and political science at the universities of Munich and Berlin, receiving your doctorate in 1905 in Munich under your thesis advisor Lujo Brentano. Due to a shoulder injury, you were exempt from military service. In 1908, you married Elly Heuss-Knapp, with whom you have a son. The priest at the wedding ceremony held in Strasbourg was Albert Schweitzer, the world-famous Swiss theologian and philanthropist and a close friend of Elly.

Even as a student, you oriented yourself politically on the liberal thinker Friedrich Naumann. Immediately after graduating from high school, you attended the party conference of the National Social Association, which Naumann had founded in 1896. You later wrote, “It seemed that Friedrich Naumann sensed all the questions that troubled a young heart and had answers available, not with apodictic self-assurance, but in loud, searching thinking.” What impressed you was that he wanted to renew classical liberalism, to orient modern socio-political measures to enable the workforce to participate in increasing prosperity and to participate politically in the nation-state. You therefore advocated trade unions, an alliance with reform-oriented Social Democrats, and democratic reforms. This, you have always believed, is the only way to realize the liberal ideal of a self-determined personality in industrial mass society.

Yet you did not want to abolish the monarchy which could serve to integrate the various interests in a democracy under a symbolic head of state. You also supported the idea of strong national power and an expansive colonial policy. This mixture of social and democratic, national and imperialist ideas attracted you because it offered a way out of the crisis of liberalism under the kaiserreich.

After your studies, you worked as a political journalist in Berlin and from 1905 to 1912 presided over the magazine Die Hilfe [The Help] published by Naumann. From 1912 to 1918 you were editor in chief of the Neckarzeitung [Neckar Newspaper] in Heilbronn. In Berlin, you worked as editor for the weekly newsletter Deutsche Politik [German Politics].

With Naumann, in 1903 you joined the liberal Free-minded Union, which in 1910 merged into the Progressive People’s Party, in which you were engaged until its dissolution in 1918.

Your shoulder injury continued to prevent you from military service, but, at least initially, you strongly supported the war, and remained convinced of its moral justifications until 1917. However, you distanced yourself from the xenophobic racism and extreme annexationist goals of most nationalists. But 1918 was a year of revolution. You never abandoned your support for German imperialism, though you moderated it considerably, and were initially skeptical of the new revolution and new republic. You found the revolution at best a distraction from the real process of liberal democratization. However, you did not want a return to the old order because you clearly recognized the responsibility of the old elites and the kaiser for the military defeat and the revolution. The old system had failed and the population no longer supported it. Therefore, you joined the DDP and dedicated yourself to the Republic at the end of 1918 as an anchor of stability in the revolutionary turmoil. For this reason you also fight the “stab in the back legend.”

At first you engaged in politics at the local level, but you won a Reichstag mandate in 1924 as the youngest representative of any party.

You continue to see the future of Germany in the hands of a liberal middle class, one grounded in a traditional education in the humanities, respecting civil liberties, but still open to the greatness, even uniqueness of Germany.

However, the presence of anti-liberal and racist groups like the NSDAP provide a threat to German democracy. Yet, while the NSDAP should be rejected on virtually every aspect of its platform, it really cannot challenge the institutional basis of democracy and seems to offer little more than some sort of warmed-over version of the Kaiserreich.

With this pedigree, you personify as much as anyone else the values of traditional Republicanism but you are torn between left-liberal and national corporatist ideals. However, your personal charm and cordial manners lead you to abhor extremism, not just personally, but also in every political form.

On Indeterminacy

The Republic has much to offer, but it also has many shortcomings. You have not made up your mind on some of the most fundamental of issues. In effect, you represent large blocks of Germans who move between parties or who are in smaller and often ephemeral splinter parties.

Collectively, however, the number of Indeterminate mandates exceeds those of many established parties. This voting power gives you considerable influence. The problem is, just like your constituents, you are not always sure what you want or what is in Germany’s or your own best interests.

In the Republic’s fragile coalition system, you may well play the decisive role in shifting the balance of power based upon how you align yourself. You have the additional influence of being capable of directly altering election outcomes, as described elsewhere. To that end, you should make sure that the other parties meet your demands, either through back room deals, the appeal of their electioneering, or their Reichstag votes.

Though an indeterminate, you will likely want to caucus with the other liberal parties—the right-leaning DVP and the WP.

Objectives

As an indeterminate, you have great flexibility in how you view most matters. The only issues that are central to you are ones related to civil liberties, democracy, and economics. Your interests are those of the educated professional middle classes. You are the foremost defender of all civil liberties, a staunch bulwark of the Republic, and an avowed proponent of the capitalist free market. Your military and foreign policy views may tend to be progressive, but you have few matters of principle here—you can be pragmatic. As a secularist, you are also suspicious of religious encroachments, but still tolerant. And most importantly, you are open to any party that will base itself on democratic constitutionalism—the DNVP has worked with the DDP before and even the NSDAP could yet be brought to reason in a coalition government.

The Constitution and the Republic

You support the Republic as the best guarantee for liberal democracy.

The goal must be a pro-Republic coalition at all costs. Though the members of the DVP are more conservative on many points, they are your closest natural allies. The trick is to convince them to stop seeking an alliance with the Right, many of whom are anti-Republic, and instead be more open to the center-left. There can be no coalition with the NSDAP or DNVP or KPD—only with pro-Republic forces. In fact, the NSDAP presents a particular threat to every liberal concept of democracy. For all of its rhetoric of change, all it really wants to do is create some repackaged return to the Kaiserreich.

But the issue is not monarchy or Republic but the real institutionalization of liberal democracy. Could this occur under a restored monarch? Yes, if it were a constitutional monarchy. Could it occur under a more authoritarian system? Plausibly, as long as that system guaranteed basic rights. In short, you have a great deal of flexibility in what you understand as republican.

Perhaps there is an alternative—the creation of a new party—a German State Party of the Middle Classes (Staatsbürgerpartei or DStP)—one that can reach beyond the narrow interests of any particular liberal party.

Such a party could seal the breach between the liberals and conservatives by merging all the liberals (DDP, DVP, WP) with conservative and moderate elements of the Centre Party, BVP, and DBP, perhaps even reasonable members in the DNVP and SPD. Such a new party would become the new mass-based democratic core of any future German government, one which would surely have the support of von Hindenburg, could work well with the Reichswehr, and provide the bulwark against the Marxists and NSDAP. If you can succeed in this goal, you will likely control the future of Germany.

In any event, any attempt to overthrow the state through violence is antithetical to your liberal ideals.

Further, the talk about banning a particular party—some say the KPD, others the NSDAP—goes against the very principles of liberal democracy.

As long as those parties operate within the law, they must be afforded the same protection as other parties. This is a separate matter from the actions of the radical paramilitaries. Regarding the NSDAP in particular, Hitler has ostensibly renounced violence and proclaimed the Legality Strategy. But isn’t the NSDAP merely using its Legality Strategy as a fig leaf to cover its real intentions of seizing power and establishing a right-wing dictatorship? The moderate parties of the right need to pull away from the NSDAP and back towards support of the Republic.

Foreign Relations (Foreign Ministry)

Freedom Law and Young Plan

Germany has had notable successes in foreign policy under Stresemann.

The Treaty of Locarno in 1925 saw Germany, France and Belgium renounce violence to settle their border disputes, and France agreed to eventually withdraw from the Rhineland. The resulting Spirit of Locarno has led to additional diplomatic victories:

French and Belgian troops left the Ruhr in 1925.

The 1926 Treaty of Berlin reinforced the Treaty of Rapallo (1922) and improved relations between the Soviet Union and Germany.

In 1926 Germany was admitted to the League of Nations with a permanent spot on the governing council.

The Kellogg-Briand Pact of 1928, signed by Germany and fourteen other countries, renounced wars of aggression.

The Geneva Convention, regulating warfare, was ratified by the Reichstag in April 1929.

As a result, the Young Plan is a pragmatic approach to upholding to the dictates of the Versailles Treaty while attempting, through international diplomacy, to slowly dismantle that treaty. There is no alternative. The last attempt to avoid its terms ruined the national economy, leading to the hyper-inflation crisis of 1923. Though you do not support the Treaty of Versailles, pragmatism must prevail. You also see the League of Nations as a vital organ for normalizing Germany’s international relations. Indeed, as an anti-militarist you see many of these foreign policy achievements not just as limited victories in undermining Versailles but as true advances in promoting world peace.

Naturally, you oppose the Freedom Law as nothing more than grandstanding and dangerous brinksmanship.

Liquidation Treaty with Poland

You support the Liquidation Treaty since it normalizes economic relations and eliminates one of many disastrous tariff wars that are hurting German and international trade. That it also protects the German minority there is an additional benefit and well worth the cost.

Military Affairs (Defense Ministry)

You oppose the continued autonomy of the Reichswehr. The military must serve the government; it cannot stand above or outside civilian control.

The Reichswehr has too often shown that it pursues its own interests—interests not always in keeping with those of the Republic.

Naval Bill

Naval expansion with armored cruisers is wrongheaded on multiple levels.

First, it drains the state budget at a time when austerity is necessary.

The growing economic crisis requires that superfluous expenses be cut, and what could be more superfluous than armored cruisers at this moment in history? Second, though, is the fact that the building of these ships will only antagonize the British and prevent any future amelioration through negotiation of the Treaty of Versailles.

Paramilitaries

Paramilitaries need to be eliminated and replaced with an accountable military. You supported the ban on the KPD’s Red Front and demand the same for the SA.

Eugenics and Sexuality (Justice Ministry)

Sterilization

Regarding race hygiene (eugenics), you champion welfare for mothers and children, healthcare, and improved maternity benefits for women, and your support of motherhood is linked closely to pacifist ideology. You generally support increased availability of birth control options. You believe that policies should focus on Mutterglück (the joy of motherhood), the highest ambition and most noble fulfillment of the female. Birth control is thus a means of improving or delaying motherhood (rather than a liberating tool for women who would choose to opt out of bearing children at all). You see birth control as a way of showing responsibility for the genetic soundness of the nation as well as allowing families the right to control their own destiny. However, you harbor grave concerns about mandatory eugenics—forced sterilization simply goes against the very idea of civil liberties. Voluntary programs are acceptable, though.

Mothers’ Day

Women should embrace their role as mothers—a source of moral health for the next generation. Yet, while women do belong ideally at home, they should nonetheless be granted full legal equality with men. They should not be required to be mothers if that is not their wish. Given the conservative nature of the movement to create a national Mothers’ Day perhaps one should reconsider what exactly is understood by this movement. In any event, the eugenicist elements behind this campaign are deeply disturbing.

Race and Culture (Interior Ministry)

Jews (Antisemitism Option)

There can be no toleration in a democracy for any policies that limit anyone’s civil liberties, especially not on the basis of religion.

Freedom of religion must be absolute, especially for minorities such as Jews, who are a religion not a separate race, just like Catholics.

Censorship

Regarding All Quiet on the Western Front, as a democratic liberal, you have no major criticism of the novel. Indeed, it is a positive assertion of your goals. You recognize in its critique a call for a new constitutional order based on the principles of parliamentary democracy, though Paul never endorses such a goal. You further believe that such wars can best be avoided with the principles of free market competition to allow everyone and society as a whole a chance to succeed materially, making the causes of war redundant. And naturally, your goals of support for the League of Nations and working with the framework of international treaties flow logically from the need to prevent any future such war. Naturally, censoring this work only undermines democracy and civil liberty.

Industrial Relations (Economic Ministry)

Austerity

The economic situation can only be corrected with the time-tested policy of tight austerity; social spending must be cut, including unemployment benefits; taxes need to be kept low; and all extra expenses ruthlessly examined. One can empathize with unemployed workers, but their long-term interests are best served by stimulating the economy with prudent budgets. You must pass austerity.

Nationalization

Any discussion of nationalization of banks is absurd and communist. It is a fundamental violation of sacred property rights and opens the door to a Bolshevik revolution.

Agricultural Affairs (Food Ministry)

Agrarian Tariffs

Tariffs are protectionism and go against the basic principles of free trade; you oppose any and all trade barriers, including agrarian tariffs. Everyone wins when free trade increases efficiency and provides goods at the lowest price. That some German farmers might lose in this competition is inevitable unless they increase their competitiveness.

This is how all economic progress works, and how prosperity spreads to all classes.

Small Farmers’ Relief

This also means that land reform (redistribution) and debt relief for small farmers need to be put off until such time as state finances allow some action in this area.

Other Issues

Stability Index

Desiring, as you do, to see the long-term prosperity of the Republic, the higher the Stability Index (0 or higher) the more personal victory points you will be awarded.

Since you have a great deal of flexibility, you will receive factional points based on the Stability Index according to the faction you join at the end of the game.

Presidential Election in 1932

You will support whoever can best restrain the extremism of the NSDAP, DNVP, and KPD, which may mean supporting von Hindenburg.

Committees of Inquiry

The parliamentary system should not allow its powers to be undermined by extra-judicial corruption or violence. Let the committee do its work.

Responsibilities

Coordinate with members of your faction to determine party positions/votes ahead of time.

Serve as foreign minister.

Protect civil liberties for all.

Powers

Paramilitary (Reichsbanner) Leader: see addendum

Victory Goals Summary

Note: The Victory Points system is part of the full game and is not used in this course’s abridged three-session simulation.

NB: Faction and personal victory goals may conflict.

FACTIONAL VICTORY GOALS

On the last day, you must pick one of the main parties (DNVP, KPD, NSDAP, SPD, X) and petition to join them in a coalition. You are not leaving your original party, just agreeing to ally with this major party. Your factional objectives become those of this party. You may demand to know what these objectives are before allying. Your PERSONAL VICTORY GOALS do not change.

PERSONAL VICTORY GOALS

Absolute Victory: The Republic functions as democratic constitutional; cabinet includes DDP; austerity passed; censorship defeated; no Aryanization; Jewish rights preserved.

Absolute Defeat: The Republic is overthrown; OR censorship passed and Jewish rights restricted; OR austerity defeated; OR KPD is in the cabinet or in power in any way.

Stability Index Goal = HIGH (0 or higher)

Discretionary Agenda Issues

Censorship NO censorship, support pacifism