Biography

You were christened Pauline Sophie Christiane Müller in 1865 as the daughter of a prosperous, well-educated family from the small town of Hoya in Lower Saxony, Prussia. Your father was a state official in Hanover who provided you with a broad scientific and artistic education.

Like many other girls from well-off Protestant families, you attended a Lutheran women’s college and finishing school abroad. Educational trips took you to Greece and Italy, which further broadened your horizons.

Despite these advantages, even as a young girl you came into contact with the needs of the poor since you frequently accompanied your mother on her charitable trips to working-class tenements. Your father also raised you to be aware of the connections between industrialism and recent social problems. In short, you were raised in a conservative bourgeois ethos that emphasized Christian charity.

In 1893 you started working for Christian charities, especially in the anti-prostitution struggle and the social problems that accompanied and caused it. With your increasing engagement with the Women’s Question, you hesitantly drew closer to the women’s liberation movement. You long doubted its necessity, yet by 1904 you concluded:

“That, in our times, alongside the tasks of Christian brotherly love, there is a large and broad field of work for women in the realm of social welfare. That large crises of entire social classes and professions are present also for the female sex. That the ability to earn a living as a women can no longer be prevented, rather that it should be directed along appropriate paths. That not only is the female part of the population in need of aid and support, but that the situation of the educated woman, who sees herself so compelled, to earn her livelihood through her own strength, is desperate.” [1]

In 1899 you became the local chair in Hanover of the recently founded German Evangelical Women’s League (NB: “evangelical” refers exclusively to the Lutheran Church). You have followed the Lutheran tradition of active brotherly love, inspired by the words and deeds of the reformer Johann Hinrich Wichern. Indeed, you have remained in close contact with his domestic missionary organization, where you serve on the steering committee. Since 1901 you have been the chair of its national body. In this capacity you have been engaged in just about every aspect of the Women’s Question—social work, the moral reform movement, and even the right for women to vote in church matters (where you succeeded in 1903).

Nonetheless, you remained vehemently opposed to women’s political suffrage. In effect, you embrace a conservative feminism, and in 1911 you co-founded the Association of Conservative Women. You have expressed these views in your publications: Handbook on the Women’s Problem (1908), and The “New Ethic” and its Dangers.

With the outbreak of war in 1914, you were elected chair of the National Women’s Service in Hanover—a confederation of various women’s, bourgeois, and proletarian charitable organizations dedicated to supporting the war effort by centralizing social services for the entire population. Between 1916 and 1917 you were part of the executive committee of the League of German Women’s Associations. However, in 1917 your organization left the association because you were not prepared to support that organization’s call for full women’s suffrage.

After the war you were a member of your state’s Lutheran synod; in 1919 you were a member of the first ever German Lutheran Church Diet in Dresden, and, despite your previous opposition, you participated in that year in the elections for the National Assembly. When you decided to stand for election for the Reichstag in 1920, you added your grandfather’s name (Carl Otfried Mueller) to your name (now Paula Müller-Otfried) and won a seat, which you continue to hold to this day as a member of the DNVP.

In the Reichstag you have been especially interested in revising the law code. But just as importantly you are engaged in issues related to poor retirees, population issues, and cultural questions. In 1921 you were a leading force in proposing the Law for Child Welfare—a proposal that found broad support from all female members of the Reichstag. Since 1928 you have been working closing with a committee to develop a comprehensive law to deal with illegitimate children.

Two intertwined issues involve a national Mothers’ Day and Germany’s declining rate. In 1910 that rate was about four children per family, and now it is below two—a rate incapable of maintaining the current population. The war is partially to blame. Millions of women entered the workforce and many future fathers died or returned as invalids. Many women became and remain the primary bread winners. They have little time for large families. As a matter of national urgency, policies must be found the create conditions conducive for large families.

Overall, then, you are aware of the tensions that you are trying to balance—the conservative bourgeois nature of the DNVP with the more progressive family welfare ideas of the German Lutheran Women’s League.

To that end, you are open to building a broad coalition on matters close to your heart—protecting women, children, and families—even if that means dealing with women such as Clara Zetkin (KPD), Marie Juchacz (SPD), or Helen Weber (X). Naturally, you will not compromise on other core values, but on these issues, at least, there can be common ground regardless of the other goals of your party. Indeed, you may need to make perfectly clear to the DNVP party leadership that you expect their support when you speak on such matters. You are a leader—not a female token.

Objectives

The Constitution and the Republic

Regarding the nature of the government, your course is clear—create a National Bloc that is nationalist and conservative, one that brings together all who oppose the dictates of Versailles and support the basic values of the old empire. The Republic must move decidedly to the right or be destroyed. The policies of compromise and negotiation with the West have been disastrous, and those parties that continue this approach (liberals, the Centre Party, and Marxists) are guilty of high treason.

It is simple—one is either for the nation or one is against it. Only a national-conservative government will receive your support. There can be no more compromises with Marxists and liberals or their moderate allies in the Centre Party. Naturally, only the DNVP can lead such a government.

Unlike most other parties, you recognize that the NSDAP is a potential ally. However, it is clearly understood that NSDAP must remain the junior partner. They should join the national block, but also recognize their role as subordinate to the DNVP. After all, the NSDAP are mostly street rabble, too.

As a result, your goal is for the DNVP chancellorship in a national-conservative block. However, any party that can provide the leadership for such a bloc would be acceptable to you in the chancellorship. To reach this goal, you are willing to make significant concessions to possible partners—especially the DVP, BVP, even the NSDAP and conservatives in the Centre Party. However, you do not particularly trust the Centre Party given its loyalty to Rome. Would you accept rule by presidential decree with a minority government? Absolutely! Democracy is not the goal after all!

In the meantime, there is occasional talk in the Reichstag of banning parties. Under no circumstances should you allow this—even against the KPD. You know that the NSDAP was banned once already and now that your party has decided that it, too, wants to eliminate the Republic you do not want to see that action taken against your party. You oppose all efforts to limit the freedom of parties to operate. Of course, once in power, this restriction no longer applies. Remember—you are just playing by the rules of democracy in order to abolish it in favor of an authoritarian alternative.

Regarding your recent allies in the NSDAP, they are often accused of illegality, despite Hitler’s public statement that the party follows a Legality Strategy. Most arguments against the NSDAP based on their speeches and writings fail to recognize that these are hypotheticals—no real person or target is ever named, just abstractions. They therefore cannot be construed to have any legal implication. And would it not, in any event, make sense, should an anti-German movement attempt another revolution, to resist them?

Foreign Relations (Foreign Ministry)

Freedom Law and Young Plan

Germany must repudiate the Versailles Treaty. Ideally, the government simply renounces the treaty in its entirety. At an extreme minimum, the most humiliating clauses must be abolished. To that end, you want to see an end to all reparations. You also demand the elimination of the War Guilt Clause, Article 231.

The Young Plan is a national humiliation, just like its predecessor the Dawes Plan. It is based on accepting the Versailles Treaty. Any party that supports it denies German self-determination and is not a patriot.

Every effort must be made to defeat it. You should attempt to form a majority to support an alternative, the Freedom Law. This law would renounce all reparations and make it a criminal offense for any German official to cooperate in their collection. It would also renounce the German acknowledgement of war guilt and the occupation of German territory, which were also terms of the Treaty of Versailles.

Liquidation Treaty with Poland

You oppose the Liquidation Treaty since it insults Germany by surrendering legitimate economic claims and paying for the privilege of Poland not mistreating Germans! It also does nothing to address the real issue—the annexation of historically German territory by Poland as dictated by the Allies in the Treaty of Versailles. Supporting this treaty only reconfirms the Republic’s slavish devotion to the parameters determined in 1919.

Military Affairs (Defense Ministry)

Germany’s future military greatness can only be achieved with a professional army. Thus, the Reichswehr must be preserved. You oppose any smear against the Reichswehr and your members proudly boast military credentials from the war. German military honor may never be insulted.

Naval Bill

Germany should return to its pre-war policy of navalism. You favor construction of armored cruisers and the appropriation of the necessary funds annually.

Paramilitaries

Your party has the largest paramilitary, the Stahlhelm (500,000 members), but you do not want to associate with the street rabble of the NSDAP, and you see no reason to go up against the Reichswehr. Yet the Stahlhelm is a powerful weapon in the event of an insurrection. Just as importantly you realize how useful the SA of the NSDAP can be in creating a sense of crisis by fighting Marxists in the streets. On the other hand, you are hostile to the Bavarian Guards paramilitary created by the BVP—it is a Catholic and regional rival to the Stahlhelm in Bavaria and, while conservative, it promotes Bavarian separatism and loyalty to Rome. And you clearly oppose the leftist paramilitaries (the republican Reichsbanner and communist RFB). Therefore, you oppose any attempt to limit the Stahlhelm but do not care about the other paramilitaries (you supported banning the KPD’s Red Front), although you oppose any attempt to ONLY ban the SA since that would strengthen the Left.

Eugenics and Sexuality (Justice Ministry)

Sterilization

Regarding race hygiene (eugenics), the declining birthrate is a sign of widespread moral decay. The masses are turning away from church teachings and traditional sexual mores, seeking material benefits and a socialist government. The symptoms of moral sickness in the national body appear everywhere: in rising rates of venereal disease, in visible prostitution, in the open sale of pornography, and especially in the decline in national fertility. These trends further undermine military preparedness as the number of recruits and their overall fitness decline. In addition to struggling for public morality, you advocate rewards for large families with financial incentives such as tax reductions and rental subsidies. The large family is a healthy family, and healthy families are the foundation of the Volk. Pronatalism is thus a synthesis of nationalism, Christian morality, and an emphasis on traditional marriage. Further, the state has every incentive and right to intervene to prevent the spread of genetic degeneracy. Thus, sterilization is a useful policy.

Mothers’ Day

Women must embrace their sacred and natural role as mothers—the font of the racial and moral health of the nation without which nothing can prosper. They are the natural physical and moral nurturers of the next generation and nothing should impede them in this duty. They should accept this role and bear as many healthy children for the fatherland as possible. Mothers’ Day should be a national holiday in this racial and moral sense. You must propose and pass legislation that supports Mothers’ Day and links it to national morality.

Race and Culture (Interior Ministry)

Jews (Antisemitism Option)

Your stance on Jews is clear—Jews are not qualified to be citizens.

There can be no discussion of them possessing rights. The party platform states:

“Only a strong German nationality that consciously preserves its nature and essence and keeps itself free of foreign influence can provide the foundation for a strong German state. For that reason we resist the undermining, un-German spirit in all forms, whether it stems from Jewish or other circles. We are emphatically opposed to the prevalence of Judaism in the government and public life, which has emerged ever more ominously since the revolution. The flow of foreigners across our borders is to be prohibited.” (see Factional Readings)

That said, the matter of tactics is important—one can and should denounce the pernicious role of Jews generally since they are linked to Germany’s recent humiliations. However, the semi-pornographic pages of NSDAP publications, such as Der Stürmer from Julius Streicher, are simply too vulgar, too common. The point is to return to the civility of the old elite, not establish a radical NSDAP social revolution!

Traditional values include antisemitism, but not that sort of radical rubbish.

Censorship

Censorship of anti-German literature and art is perfectly appropriate if these works, such as books by Remarque, art by Grosz, and Negro music insult national honor. Regarding All Quiet on the Western Front, as a conservative nationalist, you can see Paul and his friends as the epitome of the German soldier’s loyalty despite all suffering and odds.

With such soldiers and the might of the German industrial complex, it is inconceivable that Germany could have been defeated. As a result, the only conclusion is that Germany was stabbed in the back on the home front; the soldiers had not failed—they were betrayed. But not by the kaiser or the officers or the old elites. Instead, it was the social democrats who staged strikes, the Jews who had always wanted to destroy Germany, members of the Centre Party who had resisted integration into Germany, and of course liberal pacifists. You can see vindication in the heroic and special nature of German cultural values embodied in Remarque’s soldiers. The conclusion, though, should have been for the soldiers to return to Germany to destroy the traitors—the November criminals—and restore German unity on the basis of nationalism. Remarque has made heroes into broken victims, insulted the glory and even necessity of martial struggle, and emasculated a generation. His interpretation of the events is the same as that of the November criminals. His work should be censored.

Industrial Relations (Economic Ministry)

Austerity

You side with those who recognize the needs of big business and balancing the budget. Austerity and cuts to social spending are necessary to restore a balanced budget and to stimulate economic growth.

But can this be done without hurting women and children? You are not sure if you can agree entirely with the party’s stance that any talk of greater social spending is little more than Bolshevism—whether the Red Bolshevism of the KPD or the Brown Bolshevism of the Strasser wing of the NSDAP.

Nationalization

Any discussion of nationalization of banks is absurd and communist. It is a fundamental violation of sacred property rights and opens the door to a Bolshevik revolution. On the other hand, you have no objection to Aryanization (eliminating Jews from economic life). In the end, the economy must serve the nation, but private industry does that best.

Agricultural Affairs (Food Ministry)

You have nothing but contempt for the Green Front under Schiele. They are fracturing the conservative movement (Schiele has only recently split away from the DNVP), engaging in dishonest tactics, and making outlandish demands. The Green Front has to be countered (or better, brought under the control of the DNVP), with a policy of agrarian idealism. You want to steer agrarian debates away from specifics and focus on a utopian vision of the ideal farmer and a nostalgia for the agrarian past. After all, the inherent conservatism of the agrarian constituents rightly belongs in the DNVP, and without it the national conservative movement is in danger.

Agrarian Tariffs

You realize that agrarian tariffs are politically costly since they alienate most urban constituencies and even small farmers. Also, they hurt big business by raising the costs of living and cutting profits.

Yet the traditional agrarian elites demand them. You will need to weigh the political costs of this policy carefully. But in the end, you oppose agrarian tariffs.

Small Farmers’ Relief

Even if it costs votes, you do not support either land expropriation (land reform) or any special policies such as debt relief for small farmers. Big agriculture is vital to German prosperity and those who demand accommodation for small farmers are nothing more than agro-Bolsheviks.

Other Issues

Stability Index

Desiring, as you do, the demise of the Republic, the lower the Stability Index (-50 or lower) the more victory points you will be awarded.

Presidential Election in 1932

You will support either Hugenberg or von Hindenburg as president.

Committees of Inquiry

These are generally used only to undermine the rich and powerful and should be opposed. Further, the targets of assassinations have generally been November criminals and Marxists—you have little sympathy with them.

The parliamentary system should not be allowed to undermine these extra-judicial executions of traitors. You should actively work against any such committee, especially if it besmirches the honor of the military.

Responsibilities

Coordinate with members of your faction to determine party positions/votes ahead of time.

Defend the interest of the weakest members of society – women, children, and the poor.

Powers

Doctrinal Orthodoxy Watchdog: see addendum

Victory Goals Summary

Note: The Victory Points system is part of the full game and is not used in this course’s abridged three-session simulation.

NB: Faction and personal victory goals may conflict.

FACTIONAL VICTORY GOALS

Absolute Victory: DNVP-led conservative cabinet (no SPD, KPD, or NSDAP); austerity passed; Versailles undermined (Freedom Law passed; Young Plan defeated; Liquidation Treaty defeated; OR left League of Nations).

Absolute Defeat: KPD or SPD in cabinet or in power in any way; OR DNVP ceases to exist; OR Versailles in full force (Freedom Law defeated; Young Plan passed; Liquidation Treatey passed; in League of Nations).

Stability Index Goal = LOW (-50 or lower)

Presidential Election = Hugenberg OR not KPD, SPD, DDP, DBP

Type of Government = National Front (must include ONLY conservative parties [DNVP, RLB, DVP, BVP, X, CNBP, CSVD, WP, DHP] but exclude NSDAP)

Indeterminates/Splinters = convince to join your faction

Mandatory Agenda Items

PERSONAL VICTORY GOALS

Absolute Victory: Mothers’ Day passed; mandatory sterilization passed.

Absolute Defeat: Mothers’ Day defeated; OR mandatory sterilization defeated.

Stability Index Goal = LOW (-50 or lower)

Discretionary Agenda Issues