Biography

You were born Marie Gohlke in Landsberg an der Warthe in the Prussian province of Brandenburg on 15 March 1879 to the carpenter Theodor Gohlke and his wife Henriette. Your childhood was marked by rural poverty and a Lutheran upbringing. You were obliged to leave school at fourteen since your father suffered from a lung infection and your wage packet was important for keeping the family afloat. In 1893 you began to work as a maid and then in a factory making curtains and fishing nets. From 1896 to 1898 you worked as a nurse in a local psychiatric institution.

Looking back on the long hours of poorly paid shift work at the institution you recalled how you became used to “sleeping while sitting on hard rigid chairs.”

You later completed an apprenticeship as a dressmaker, and took a job with a tailor named Bernhard Juchacz, whom you married in 1903 and with whom you had two children. But the marriage ended in divorce in 1906 and you moved to Berlin, accompanied by your children, your younger sister, and her children. You set up house together, forming what was seen as an unconventional family unit. You then worked at dressmaking until 1913.

You had been introduced to politics by your older brother, Otto, who had encouraged you to read popular political works such as Throw Down the Weapons! by Bertha von Suttner and Woman and Socialism by August Bebel.

You also came into contact with local SPD activists, including Wilhelm Paetzel who had an important job with the SPD publishing house Vorwärts.

You joined the SPD in 1908 when the old Prussian Association Law, which forbade female membership in political parties, was repealed after a long campaign by various women’s movements (suffrage would have to wait until 1918).

You quickly became a popular speaker at political meetings. In 1913 you were appointed to a paid party position as the Cologne women’s secretary in the Upper Rhine province while your children remained in Berlin with your sister. You were nominated for the job by your patron, Luise Zietz, the first (and at the time only) woman on the SPD executive committee.

The war shifted some of your focus away from organizing textile workers.

In November 1914 you gave a series of presentations to the National Women’s Association on “The Social Obligations of Women in Wartime.” Despite your reputation as a public speaker, this was the first time you addressed meetings not composed exclusively of workers and SPD comrades.

These presentations gave an opportunity for private welfare groups to get to know you and find common ground. Consequently, you worked at organizing the Domestic Work Centers, which gave women the opportunity to work from home. You were also a member of the so-called food commission, which operated soup kitchens.

But even as you built cross-party alliances, the war shattered party unity. In 1917 the anti-war faction formed the Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD). The majority, including yourself, remained with Friedrich Ebert who staunchly supported the war effort. You returned to Berlin when you accepted Ebert’s invitation to become the SPD’s national women’s secretary to succeed Zietz. In the same year you were elected to the SPD’s national executive. You also took over from Clara Zetkin (who joined the USPD) the editorship of the women’s newspaper Die Gleichheit [Equality].

After the Revolution, you and your sister were two of the thirty-seven women elected to the National Assembly (the precursor to the Reichstag).

Exactly one month after the first national election in which women had been permitted to vote, you became the first woman to make a speech before that body, or indeed any German parliament. It was, perhaps, the unfamiliarity of your opening salutation in this context (you referred to gentlemen “and ladies”) that caused laughter after just four words:

“Gentlemen and ladies…[laughter] This is the first time that a woman has been allowed to address the people in the parliament on free and equal terms, and I wish to establish here, entirely objectively, that in Germany as elsewhere, the revolution has overwhelmed the old preconceptions.”[2]

You were also the only woman on the advisory board to draft a new constitution. You have remained in the Reichstag ever since, where your powerful oratory has been on display in almost every turbulent Reichstag debate that has followed

But most important for you, you continue to support a combination of self-help with state welfare provisions that you had developed during the war. In 1919 you founded the Workers’ Welfare Committee (AWO), which is increasingly the focus of your activities (though you remain outspoken in the Reichstag in your criticism of the DNVP and NSDAP). You are also just as well known for your publications such as:

The Coming Peace (1919)

Practical Tips for the Social Democratic Women’s Movement (1921)

Workers Welfare: Preconditions and Development (1924)

“Questions about Childbirth: Sexual Advice as a Task for Workers Welfare” (1929)

Overall, then, you balance the tensions of a Marxist worldview with the need to make alliances with women from all bourgeois parties. To that end, you are open to building a broad coalition on matters close to your heart—protecting women, children, and families—even if that means dealing with women such as Paula Müller-Otfried (DNVP) or Helene Weber (X) or Clara Zetkin (KPD). Naturally, you will not compromise on other core values, but on these issues, at least, there is common ground.

Indeed, you may need to make perfectly clear to the SPD party leadership that you expect their support when you speak on such matters. You are a leader—not a female token.

Objectives

The Constitution and the Republic

The government must remain Republican.

The dangers, though, come from both the left and right. While the rank and file members of the KPD share the basic needs of the SPD, the radicals in the leadership have fallen under the spell of radical Bolshevism. They do not realize that the Soviet model would lead to civil war, economic collapse, and international isolation. Thus, the SPD must take the strongest measures possible against the incendiary rhetoric of the KPD; at the same time, though, every effort must be made to win over the membership of the KPD– which can only be done by keeping the SPD completely separate from the KPD.

An equal threat comes from the national conservatives, especially the DNVP and their new allies in the NSDAP. These parties would impose a capitalist dictatorship on Germany that would lead the nation into the barbarism that launched the Great War. However, the fascists in the NSDAP are the main threat. Every effort must be made to isolate that party; yet its appeal to some workers has to be recognized. These workers need to be made aware that they are being duped by the same men and their interests (those of the old imperial elites) that led them to the slaughter house a year ago.

The result is that the SPD must make coalitions with every possible party open to the defense of the Republic, whether those parties be liberals, Catholic Centrists, or even conservatives. This will require compromise, sometimes painful compromise, but the defense of the Republic must take precedence. Sometimes, it is not a matter of principle but of survival.

As a result, while some discuss the possibility of rule by presidential decree, you are aware of its inherent authoritarian potential to undermine the Republic. At the same time, you could consider conditionally supporting such a regime if it prevented the collapse of the Republic. Naturally, you would never serve in such an authoritarian government, but you could tolerate it if the alternative were democratic collapse.

Some have also discussed what stance the party should take towards a violent overthrow of the state. Any such effort must be opposed, regardless of whether it comes from the KPD, the right wing, or the Reichswehr. Any such revolution or coup would undermine the very heart of democracy—the essential pre-condition for establishing socialism.

There is the occasional debate about banning a particular party—some say the KPD, others the NSDAP. While this might be potentially constitutional under certain circumstances, it is dangerous. After all, it was not that long ago that the German state attempted to destroy social democracy with the Anti-Socialist Laws. And the ban on the NSDAP a few years ago only strengthened that party. If we open the door to banning unpopular groups, where does that put socialists? Social democracy is protected by civil liberties for all. Perhaps in a situation where the state is threatened by a revolution one could consider banning a party, but that is an extreme situation.

Regarding the NSDAP in particular, Hitler has ostensibly renounced violence and proclaimed the Legality Strategy. But isn’t the NSDAP merely using its Legality Strategy as a fig leaf to cover its real intentions of seizing power and establishing a right-wing dictatorship?

The moderate parties of the right need to pull away from the NSDAP and back towards support of the Republic.

Naturally, as the largest party, you aspire to the chancellorship for a member of your party. The SPD has often served in that role, and it should continue to dominate pro-Republican governments. Yet more important is that the chancellorship be in the hands of anyone willing to defend the Republic.

Foreign Relations (Foreign Ministry)

Freedom Law and Young Plan

Germany has had notable successes in foreign policy under Stresemann.

The Treaty of Locarno in 1925 saw Germany, France and Belgium renounce violence to settle their border disputes, and France agreed to eventually withdraw from the Rhineland. The resulting Spirit of Locarno has led to additional diplomatic victories:

French and Belgian troops left the Ruhr in 1925.

The 1926 Treaty of Berlin reinforced the Treaty of Rapallo (1922) and improved relations between the Soviet Union and Germany.

In 1926 Germany was admitted to the League of Nations with a permanent spot on the governing council.

The Kellogg-Briand Pact of 1928, signed by Germany and fourteen other countries, renounced wars of aggression.

The Geneva Convention, regulating warfare, was ratified by the Reichstag in April 1929.

The Young Plan is a similar such victory and essential to the SPD policy of fulfillment. It is not that anyone in the SPD supports the Versailles Treaty, but only by fulfilling, in as minimal a way as possible, the terms of the Treaty can the Republic be assured any chance of success.

The last time Germany attempted to avoid the Treaty, the French occupied the Rhineland. That humiliation, combined with the disastrous nationalist policy of protesting the occupation by printing money, led to the dreadful hyperinflation that ruined many workers and middle-class people’s lives. That sort of military and economic disaster only plays into the hands of the fascists and communists. If one actually looks at Young Plan it significantly reduces reparation payments; to defeat it would simply mean to return to Dawes Plan, which requires higher payments! Opposition to the Young Plan is irrational brinkmanship.

Therefore, you adamantly oppose the Freedom Law.

The Treaty of Versailles can only be eliminated with careful long-term negotiations. The Young Plan is part of that policy, but so, too, is the heavy international lobbying that has been carried out, especially under Stresemann. The policy of fulfillment is slowly yielding success and should be continued.

Liquidation Treaty with Poland

You support the Liquidation Treaty since normalizing trade will help the economy and thus workers; it will also secure the future of German settlement in the region until the border issue is settled; and a successful treaty with Warsaw also further integrates Germany into a stable international framework that sees Germany as capable of negotiating as a sovereign state. In any event, no such action should risk war.

Military Affairs (Defense Ministry)

The question of the autonomy of the Reichswehr is also a nagging one. In order to preserve the Republic in its early years, the party made a compromise with the Reichswehr that the government would not interfere in the military in exchange for military support. True, the Reichswehr has at times been ambivalent, even hostile, to the Republic, but what choice is there?

Naval Bill

The proposal for naval expansion to build armored cruisers is dreadful.

There is nothing wrong with a strong German military, but at this moment in history it will only alienate the Versailles victors, undermining the cautious strategy of fulfillment. It also cannot be afforded in a period of economic crisis when instead unemployment benefits should be expanded. In fact, the SPD campaigned and won in 1928 on the slogan “Food for children, not armored cruisers!” Still, you recognize that the Reichswehr and many pro-Republican forces to the right insist upon this measure. It may be necessary to compromise.

Paramilitaries

The paramilitary of the NSDAP, the SA, should be banned, as should all anti-Republican paramilitaries. You supported the ban on the KPD’s Red Front. They threaten the very existence of the Republic. They consist of little more than street thugs who murder SPD members and Republican politicians. At the same time, the Republican paramilitaries are essential guardians of the Republic against these forces, especially given the ambivalence of the Reichswehr. Therefore, there should be no generalized ban on paramilitaries, just on those working against the state.

Eugenics and Sexuality (Justice Ministry)

Sterilization

Regarding race hygiene (eugenics), you champion welfare for mothers and children, healthcare, and improved maternity benefits for working women, and your support of motherhood is linked closely to pacifist ideology.

You generally support increased availability of birth control options.

You believe that policies should focus on Mutterglück (the joy of motherhood), the highest ambition and most noble fulfillment of the female. Birth control is thus a means of improving or delaying motherhood (rather than a liberating tool for women who would choose to opt out of bearing children at all). You draw support from Principles of Communism when it rails against the capitalist use of the wife as a “mere instrument of production.” What this means for you is that women should not be working outside the home but instead be given the social support to find true happiness in the home. You support the National Association for Birth Control and Sexual Hygiene, founded in 1928. This body sees birth control as a way of showing responsibility for the genetic soundness of the nation and the working class. The goal is healthier, sounder children, and lecture titles include “Race Hygiene, Eugenics, and Sterilization” and “The Extermination of Unfit Life.” However, you do not support the idea that sterilization should be mandatory. It is only acceptable if voluntary.

Mothers’ Day

Women are the equals of men and have the right to determine for themselves what social and familial role they wish to pursue. Naturally, the SPD fully supports motherhood. In fact, the SPD truly honors women by seeing them as men’s equals whereas conservative of all stripes treat them as children, exploit them sexually and economically, impose dangerous work conditions on them, tear their sons away from them to die in imperialist wars. This campaign for a national Mothers’ Day, linked as it is to these realities and promoted by the Right, does not properly honor women. In this context, you oppose the effort to make Mothers’ Day a national holiday. Instead, you want to pass a socialist Women’s Day.

The slogan should be, “Work for the Father! Bread for the Children!” You do not want to have the SPD associated with the KPD’s International Women’s Day.

Race and Culture (Interior Ministry)

Jews (Antisemitism Option)

On all matters of civil liberties, there can be no debate. German citizenship does not distinguish between races, religions, or any other characteristics. Thus, Jews must have full rights.

Censorship

As for censorship, as called for by the Right, it is simply a pretext to ban books and art works so that next the political speech of democrats will be banned. Censorship as currently discussed has no role in a democracy. As a social democrat, you have no major criticism of All Quiet on the Western Front. Indeed, it is a positive assertion of your goals. You recognize in its critique a call for a new constitutional order based on the principles of parliamentary democracy, though Paul never endorses such a goal. You further believe that such wars can best be avoided with social guarantees for the lower classes to assure peace and prosperity and thus make the causes of war redundant. And naturally, your goals of support for the League of Nations and working with the framework of international treaties flow logically from the need to prevent any future such war. The betrayal of young Germans of all classes by the old elites—officers, the kaiser, the clergy and doctors—underscores why it was necessary to sweep away the rotten old political system and create the Republic. Any talk of censorship only feeds into the hysteria of the fascists and national conservatives.

Industrial Relations (Economic Ministry)

Austerity

If possible, the state should of course balance its budget. But the growing severity of the economic crisis means that austerity at the expense of social spending would only hurt German workers and their families—your constituents. Some compromise is possible, for example by stopping grain tariffs or raising taxes on the wealthy, but not by drastically cutting unemployment benefits. The SPD would have no reason to exist if it did so and only feed into the radicals in the KDP and NSDAP who already claim that the SPD is too cozy with the business elites in the liberal and Catholic parties. Still, it may be necessary to compromise even here to preserve a Republican majority.

Nationalization

Nationalization of banks is extreme. You have no principled objection to the state stepping to help regulate industry, and, in the end, the economy must serve the nation, but private industry does that best when the state balances interests in the private sector rather than replacing the private sector—unless necessary.

Agricultural Affairs (Food Ministry)

Marxism is quite clear that the peasantry is an outmoded class doomed to wither away with the advance of industrial capitalism. However, you recognize that this withering away of the peasantry will be a long, drawn out process. In the meantime, agrarian workers are being exploited, and the small farmers are a relevant class ally against the Junkers. Thus, you and the SPD are not unsympathetic to small farmers, though any policy that benefits the wealthy Junker elite is absurd.

Agrarian Tariffs

Until quite recently, you and the SPD have more or less consistently opposed the protectionist concessions of the right-wing governments, including agrarian tariffs. Protectionist agrarian tariffs do nothing to address the underlying problems (Germany’s agriculture has to modernize). Further, agrarian tariffs mean higher food prices for workers. And they disproportionately benefit the large estates. However, the agrarian crisis of 1927–28 has brought distress to small and large landowners alike, and the agitations of agricultural-interest organizations have obtained more and more public response. Now, you are willing to reconsider your opposition to agrarian tariffs. It may well be that these tariffs are the best defense of German farmers against international agrarian crises. As a result, the old SPD demands for land reform are being balanced by increasing support for tariffs. These ideas represent a retreat from the SPD’s traditional free-trade position, which you maintained as late as 1925 in cooperation with liberals. But pragmatism has led to your acceptance of a half-hearted tariff authorization. Thus, you may vote to support agrarian tariffs, but must still insist that this be balanced with measures to protect workers.

Small Farmers’ Relief

Land reform (redistribution) and debt relief might address the small farmers’ plight as well as allow for work for many of Germany’s poor.

Such priorities trump agrarian tariffs.

Other Issues

Stability Index

Desiring, as you do, to see the long-term prosperity of the Republic, the higher the Stability Index (0 or higher) the more victory points you will be awarded.

Presidential Election in 1932

You will support whoever you think best serves your goals—logically, this should be someone from the SPD. But your main goal is to preserve democracy and to prevent radicalization. You have flexibility.

Committees of Inquiry

The parliamentary system should not allow its powers to be undermined by corruption of the elite and extra-judicial executions. Most of the victims have been Marxists, after all. Yet be aware of the need to preserve a pro-Republic coalition. Should such a committee or its findings be allowed to destroy the Republic’s delicate balance? Probably not. Compromises need to be made and you realize that forces in the Reichswehr are openly sympathetic to (perhaps even behind) these assassinations. The Republic cannot survive without the support of the Reichswehr. And the survival of democracy is the higher goal.

Responsibilities

Coordinate with members of your faction to determine party positions/votes ahead of time.

Protect the interests of your constituency – the workers of Germany.

Protect the interests of society’s weakest – children and women.

Powers

Party Counter-Espionage: see addendum

Party Discipline

The SPD is a highly organized and disciplined party. As a result, at any time you may call for a vote in the party demanding that all members vote as a block on a specific issue. A simple majority is required.

If a member then votes against the party line in the Reichstag, they may face internal discipline. Such discipline is again determined by a majority vote of the party and may include any or all of the following (in increasing severity):

Verbal reprimand

Removal from all party offices (head of the Free unions, head of the Reichsbanner, cabinet position)

Reduced influence in party (up to one third of a member’s member of the Reichstag may be removed and distributed to other members of the SPD as determined by the non-sanctioned members)

Expulsion from the party

Any of these options carries some danger to the party, though, in that the sanctioned member may decide to leave the party and possibly take other members with him. Expulsion will inevitably have this effect.

However, the party can only operate well if loyalty to the core identity of the party is maintained.

Victory Goals Summary

Note: The Victory Points system is part of the full game and is not used in this course’s abridged three-session simulation.

NB: Faction and personal victory goals may conflict.

FACTIONAL VICTORY GOALS

Absolute Victory: The Republic survives with SPD-led cabinet or presidency; austerity defeated.

Absolute Defeat: The Republic ends as a parliamentary democracy; OR SPD ceases to exist as an independent party.

Stability Index Goal = HIGH (0 or higher)

Presidential Election = Müller OR not NSDAP or KPD

Type of Government = a democratic republic in form and content

Indeterminates/Splinters = convince to join your faction

Mandatory Agenda Items

PERSONAL VICTORY GOALS

Absolute Victory: Austerity defeated; nationalization passed; agrarian tariffs passed.

Absolute Defeat: Austerity passed; nationalization defeated; agrarian tariffs defeated.

Stability Index Goal = HIGH (0 or higher)

Discretionary Agenda Issues

Censorship NO censorship