Biography

You come from a working-class Protestant family from Herford in the Prussian province of Westphalia, where you lived in cramped conditions.

Your father, Bernhard, worked as a cigar sorter, your mother, Johanna, was a seamstress. The family fell into financial distress when your father became mentally ill. You and a half-brother had to help your mother sort the cigars at home. However, a local pastor offered to organize the financing for you to attend secondary school. He suggested that you later become a pastor yourself. However, you rejected this offer since you wanted to become a musician, which ultimately proved unfeasible. So you began a locksmith apprenticeship, which you completed in 1892.

Politics played no role in your family growing up, yet you showed early interest in the socialist labor movement when a colleague introduced you to its goals. Immediately after your journeyman’s examination, you joined the free-lance German Metalworkers’ Association (DMV). Within the organization, you soon took on leading positions. You became a secretary and were elected in 1893 as a DMV representative in the local union cartel. In the same year, you helped found a Social Democratic club in Herford. By this time you were already operating as a correspondent and contact person for the SPD newspaper Volkswacht [People’s Watch] in neighboring Bielefeld and developed close relationships with leading Social Democrats there.

In 1894 you moved to Bielefeld where you switched to an industrial job and became involved in the SPD and its trade unions. In 1896 you played a leading role in a failed strike and lockout at the Dürkopp factory, which cost you your job and forced you to move to Switzerland, where you married Emma Wilhelmine Twelker, with whom you have two children.

Immediately after your return to Germany in 1898, you became involved again in the regional labor movement. Your views were often considered radical but you focused on union work, where you rose quickly; by 1901 you were managing director of the local branch of the DMV. You advocated a radical shop steward system and greatly increased membership. But this union work meant that you began to adopt a more pragmatic view—loosening some of your previous radicalism. Your goal was no longer the dictatorship of the proletariat but the integration of the workers into society.

As one example of your new moderation, when war broke out, you publicly sided with the pro-war faction and stated, “But if the dice have fallen, then there is only one goal for social democracy: to protect the German people against the power-hungry claims of the ‘peace czar’ by all means.” You heavily criticized (often unfairly) anti-war socialists such as Karl Liebknecht. But your role in supporting the Burgfrieden (wartime truce between the political parties) granted you admission to broader social circles, including school boards and business clubs, where you worked to avoid strikes. In effect, you were integrated into the Bielefeld establishment as an equal. And this close relationship has meant that you now consider compromise and coalition essential.

You have had many chances to prove this in practice, given your long record as an elected official. From 1905 to 1924 you were a member of the Bielefeld town council. Starting in 1907 you served in the imperial Reichstag, where you were the youngest socialist member. You first became known to a broad public when, in a Reichstag speech in 1910, you exposed irregularities in the state shipyards in Kiel and Gdansk, causing outrage among conservative members of the Reichstag. After considerable tumult, you responded to a call to order by the speaker of the Reichstag with the words, “Mr. President, I mean, a rat is a rat, and a liar is a liar.”

During the revolution, you played a leading role to ensure moderation within the SPD. You were elected to the National Assembly in 1919, then to the Reichstag. In addition, you have belonged to Prussian Diet since 1919. In the formation of the Weimar Coalition, you played a major role as advocate of an alliance of the with bourgeois democrats and the Centre Party.

Your high public profile as a moderate compromiser led to your first national position as Reich and State Commissioner of the Ruhr during the uprising of 1920. You were given the onerous task of relaxing the situation and succeeded in settling the strike quickly, using both negotiations and repression. This success has given you a reputation for crisis management. But your moderation should not be mistaken for weakness. During the Kapp Putsch in 1920, you organized active resistance, including armed attacks on right-wing paramilitaries.

That experience has also led you to one of your most important goals since you lost trust in the Reichswehr when it refused to unambiguously support the Republic. As Prussian interior minister 1920-26 and now as Reich interior minister you have striven for a democratization of all state institutions—especially the police, where you actively appoint pro-Republicans. Your on-going attempt to alter the ethos of Germanys’ instructions have led Germans to refer to a Severing System—supporters understand that to mean democratization, opponents as Bolshevization.

Yet you have also repeatedly campaigned for concessions to the liberal bourgeois parties and even the Reichswehr. Ever the pragmatist, you agreed to general Hans von Seeckt’s plans for a secret army to protect Germany’s eastern border. Accepting compromise is generally better than surrendering the Republic to the right-wing parties. In the end, however, if the demands of the other side go too far, you will not bend to the point of breaking. Overall, then, you represent the right wing of the party—willing to compromise heavily to ensure democracy, even if that means slowing or even halting social reform and, when necessary, maintaining law and order even against workers.

Objectives

The Constitution and the Republic

The government must remain republican. Therefore, every institution of the Republic must be democratized so that they serve the Republic. Only a strong democratic police force can counter balance the Reichswehr.

Based on a police reform of 1920, you disbanded various extremist organizations if they actively campaigned against the Republic. You used these new police troops to put down a communist insurrection in March 1921; the relatively low death toll when compared to the Ruhr uprising on 1920 convinced you that using the police was greatly preferable to the Reichswehr. Indeed, the Republic must be willing and able to defend itself. Indeed, when you introduced the recently expired Law for the Defense of the Republic in 1922 you said of it:

“The right of assembly has become the wrongs of assembly, and press freedom has become press license. We cannot permit demagogues to inflame the masses any further. Last year in Prussia alone three hundred policemen were wounded and fourteen killed in the course of their duties…A state that gives up its protection, gives up itself.”[1]

The dangers come from the left and right. While the rank and file members of the KPD share the basic needs of the SPD, the radicals in the leadership have fallen under the spell of radical Bolshevism. They do not realize that the Soviet model would lead to civil war, economic collapse, and international isolation. Thus, the SPD must take the strongest measures possible against the incendiary rhetoric of the KPD; at the same time, though, every effort must be made to win over the membership of the KPD—which can only be done by keeping the SPD completely separate from the KPD.

The real threat, though, comes from the national conservatives, especially the DNVP and their new allies in the NSDAP. These parties would impose a capitalist dictatorship on Germany that would lead the nation into the barbarism that launched the Great War. However, the fascists in the NSDAP are the main threat. Every effort must be made to isolate that party; yet its appeal to some workers has to be recognized.

These workers need to be made aware that they are being duped by the same men and their interests (those of the old imperial elites) that led them to the slaughter house a year ago.

The result is that the SPD must make coalitions with every possible party open to the defense of the Republic, whether those be liberals, Catholic Centrists, or even conservatives. This will require compromise, sometimes painful compromise, but the defense of the Republic must take precedence. This also includes with the DNVP and even the NSDAP IF it will support the Republic and if it keeps Hitler from coming to power.

As a result, while some discuss the possibility of rule by presidential decree, you are aware of its inherent authoritarian potential to undermine the Republic. At the same time, you could consider conditionally supporting such a regime if it prevented the collapse of the Republic. Naturally, you would never serve in such an authoritarian government, but you could tolerate it if the option was democratic collapse.

Some have also discussed what stance the party should take towards a violent overthrow of the state. Any such effort must be opposed, regardless of whether it comes from the KPD, the Right, or the Reichswehr. Any such revolution or coup would undermine the very heart of democracy—the essential pre-condition for establishing socialism.

There is the occasional debate about banning a particular party—some say the KPD, others the NSDAP. While this might be potentially constitutional under certain circumstances, it is dangerous. After all, it was not that long ago that the German state attempted to destroy social democracy with the Anti-Socialist Laws. And the ban on the NSDAP a few years ago only strengthened that party. If we open the door to banning unpopular groups, where does that put socialists? Social democracy is protected by civil liberties for all. Perhaps in a situation where the state is threatened by a revolution one could consider banning a party, but that is an extreme situation.

Regarding the NSDAP in particular, Hitler has ostensibly renounced violence and proclaimed the Legality Strategy. But isn’t the NSDAP merely using its Legality Strategy as a fig leaf to cover its real intentions of seizing power and establishing a right-wing dictatorship?

The moderate parties of the right need to pull away from the NSDAP and back towards support of the Republic.

Naturally, as the largest party, you aspire to the chancellorship. The SPD has often served in that role, and it should continue to dominate pro-Republican governments. More important, though, is that the chancellorship be in the hands of anyone willing to defend the Republic.

Foreign Relations (Foreign Ministry)

Freedom Law and Young Plan

Germany has had notable successes in foreign policy under Stresemann.

The Treaty of Locarno in 1925 saw Germany, France and Belgium renounce violence to settle their border disputes, and France agreed to eventually withdraw from the Rhineland. The resulting Spirit of Locarno has led to additional diplomatic victories:

French and Belgian troops left the Ruhr in 1925.

The 1926 Treaty of Berlin reinforced the Treaty of Rapallo (1922) and improved relations between the Soviet Union and Germany.

In 1926 Germany was admitted to the League of Nations with a permanent spot on the governing council.

The Kellogg-Briand Pact of 1928, signed by Germany and fourteen other countries, renounced wars of aggression.

The Geneva Convention, regulating warfare, was ratified by the Reichstag in April 1929.

The Young Plan is a similar such victory. It is essential to the SPD policy of fulfillment. It is not that anyone in the SPD supports the Versailles Treaty, but only by fulfilling, in as minimal way as possible, the terms of the Treaty can the Republic be assured any chance of success. The last time Germany attempted to avoid the Treaty the French occupied the Rhineland. That humiliation combined with the disastrous nationalist policy of protesting the occupation by printing money led to the dreadful hyperinflation that ruined many workers and middle-class people’s lives. That sort of military and economic disaster only plays into the hands of the fascists and communists. If one actually looks at Young Plan it actually significantly reduces reparation payments; to defeat it would simply mean to return to Dawes Plan, which requires higher payments! Opposition to the Young Plan is irrational brinkmanship. Therefore, you adamantly oppose the Freedom Law.

The Treaty of Versailles can only be eliminated with careful long-term negotiations. The Young Plan is part of that policy, but so, too, is the heavy international lobbying that has been carried out, especially under Stresemann, and is slowly yielding success.

Liquidation Treaty with Poland

You support the Liquidation Treaty since normalizing trade will help the economy and thus workers; it will also secure the future of German settlement in the region until the border issue is settled; and a successful treaty with Warsaw also further integrates Germany into a stable international framework that sees Germany as capable of negotiating as a sovereign state. In any event, no such action should risk war.

Military Affairs (Defense Ministry)

You believe that a working relationship with the Reichswehr is essential for the stability and defense of the Republic. You have warned against constantly criticizing the Reichswehr. The SPD must be able to see the positive in the Reichswehr in order to bring about the republicanization of the Reichswehr.

The question of the autonomy of the Reichswehr is also a nagging one. In order to preserve the Republic in its early years, the party made a compromise with the Reichswehr that the government would not interfere in the military in exchange for military support. True, the Reichswehr has at times been ambivalent, even hostile, to the Republic, but what choice is there?

Naval Bill

The proposal for naval expansion to build armored cruisers is acceptable. There is nothing wrong with a strong German military, Even though, the SPD campaigned and won in 1928 on the slogan “Food for children, not armored cruisers,” you recognize that the Reichswehr and many pro-Republican forces to the right insist upon this measure. It is necessary to compromise.

Paramilitaries

There should be no party of paramilitary bans without a clear and imminent threat. Only if an organization takes and active stance against the Republic should you move against it—otherwise, bans only radicalize members. That is why you supported the ban on the KPD’s Red Front—it staged an uprising in May 1929. They threaten the existence of the Republic. As for the SA, you oppose a ban since the only likely outcome would be that they SA members will infiltrate the much larger Stahlhelm and create an even larger anti-Republican force. At the same time, pro-Republican paramilitaries are essential guardians of the Republic against these forces, especially given the ambivalence of the Reichswehr. Therefore, there should be no generalized ban on paramilitaries, just on those working against the state. As for the Reichsbanner, you know that it is not as strong as people think. To use it would only bring about its defeat and then the banning of the SPD.

You oppose actively using it—it is better only as a threat.

Eugenics and Sexuality (Justice Ministry)

Sterilization

Regarding race hygiene (eugenics), you champion welfare for mothers and children, healthcare, and improved maternity benefits for working women, and your support of motherhood is linked closely to pacifist ideology.

You generally support increased availability of birth control options.

You believe that policies should focus on Mutterglück (the joy of motherhood), the highest ambition and most noble fulfillment of the female. Birth control is thus a means of improving or delaying motherhood (rather than a liberating tool for women who would choose to opt out of bearing children at all). You draw support from Principles of Communism when it rails against the capitalist use of the wife as a “mere instrument of production.” What this means for you is that women should not be working outside the home but instead be given the social support to find true happiness in the home. You support the National Association for Birth Control and Sexual Hygiene, founded in 1928. This body sees birth control as a way of showing responsibility for the genetic soundness of the nation and the working class. The goal is healthier, sounder children, and lecture titles include “Race Hygiene, Eugenics, and Sterilization” and “The Extermination of Unfit Life.” You support some form of eugenics as necessary to strengthen the nation.

Mothers’ Day

Women are the equals of men and have the right to determine for themselves what social and familial role they wish to pursue. Naturally, the SPD fully supports motherhood. In fact, the SPD truly honors women by seeing them as men’s equals whereas conservative of all stripes treat them as children, exploit them sexually and economically, impose dangerous work conditions on them, tear their sons away from them to die in imperialist wars. This campaign for a national Mothers’ Day, linked as it is to these realities and promoted by the Right, does not properly honor women. In this context, you oppose the effort to make Mothers’ Day a national holiday. Instead, you want to pass a socialist Women’s Day.

The slogan should be, “Work for the Father! Bread for the Children!”

Race and Culture (Interior Ministry)

Jews (Antisemitism Option)

On all matters of civil liberties, there can be no debate. German citizenship does not distinguish between races, religions, or any other characteristic. Thus, Jews must have full rights.

Censorship

As a social democrat, you have no major criticism of All Quiet on the Western Front. Indeed, it is a positive assertion of your goals. You recognize in its critique a call for a new constitutional order based on the principles of parliamentary democracy, though Paul never endorses such a goal. You further believe that such wars can best be avoided with social guarantees for the lower classes to assure peace and prosperity and thus make the causes of war redundant. And naturally, your goals of support for the League of Nations and working with the framework of international treaties flow logically from the need to prevent any future such war. The betrayal of young Germans of all classes by the old elites—officers, the kaiser, the clergy and doctors—underscores why it was necessary to sweep away the rotten old political system and create the Republic. Any talk of censorship only feeds into the hysteria of the fascists and national conservatives.

Industrial Relations (Economic Ministry)

Austerity

If possible, the state should of course balance its budget. But the growing severity of the economic crisis means that austerity at the expense of social spending would only hurt German workers and their families—your constituents. Some compromise is possible, for example by ending grain tariffs or raising taxes on the wealthy, but not by cutting unemployment benefits. The SPD would have no reason to exist if it did so and such a course would only feed into the radicals in the KDP and NSDAP who already claim that the SPD is too cozy with the business elites in the liberal and Catholic parties.

Nationalization

Nationalization of banks is extreme but not inconceivable. You have no principled objection to the state stepping to help regulate industry, and, in the end, the economy must serve the nation, but private industry does that best when the state balances interests in the private sector rather than replacing the private sector—unless necessary.

Agricultural Affairs (Food Ministry)

Marxism is quite clear that the peasantry is an outmoded class doomed to wither away with the advance of industrial capitalism. However, you recognize that this withering away of the peasantry will be a long, drawn out process. In the meantime, agrarian workers are being exploited, and the small farmers are a relevant class ally against the Junkers. Thus, you and the SPD are not unsympathetic to small farmers, though any policy that benefits the wealthy Junker elite is absurd.

Agrarian Tariffs

Until quite recently, you and the SPD have more or less consistently opposed the protectionist concessions of the right-wing governments, including agrarian tariffs. Protectionist agrarian tariffs do nothing to address the underlying problems (Germany’s agriculture has to modernize). Further, agrarian tariffs mean higher food prices for workers. And they disproportionately benefit the large estates. However, the agrarian crisis of 1927–28 has brought distress to small and large landowners alike, and the agitations of agricultural-interest organizations have obtained more and more public response. Now, you are willing to reconsider your opposition to agrarian tariffs. It may well be that these tariffs are the best defense of German farmers against international agrarian crises. As a result, the old SPD demands for land reform are being balanced by increasing support for tariffs. These ideas represent a retreat from the SPD’s traditional free-trade position, which you maintained as late as 1925 in cooperation with liberals. But pragmatism has led to your acceptance of a half-hearted tariff authorization. Thus, you may vote to support agrarian tariffs, but must still insist that this be balanced with measures to protect workers.

Small Farmers’ Relief

Land reform (redistribution) and debt relief might address the small farmers’ plight as well as allow for work for many of Germany’s poor.

Such priorities trump agrarian tariffs.

Other Issues

Stability Index

Desiring, as you do, to see the long-term prosperity of the Republic, the higher the Stability Index (0 or higher) the more victory points you will be awarded.

Presidential Election in 1932

You will support whoever you think best serves your goals—logically, this should be someone from the SPD. But your main goal is to preserve democracy and to prevent radicalization. You have flexibility.

Committees of Inquiry

The parliamentary system should not allow its powers to be undermined by corruption of the elite and extra-judicial executions. Most of the victims have been Marxists, after all. Yet be aware of the need to preserve a pro-Republic coalition. Should such a committee or its findings be allowed to destroy the Republic’s delicate balance? Probably not. Compromises need to be made and you realize that forces in the Reichswehr are openly sympathetic to (and perhaps even behind) these assassinations. The Republic cannot survive without the support of the Reichswehr. And the survival of democracy is the higher goal.

Responsibilities

Coordinate with members of your faction to determine party positions/votes ahead of time.

Serve as interior minister.

Protect the interests of your constituency – the workers of Germany.

Powers

Interior Minister: see addendum

NB: Ask Müller (SPD #1) to give you the Interior Minister Addendum.

Party Discipline

The SPD is a highly organized and disciplined party. As a result, at any time you may call for a vote in the party demanding that all members vote as a block on a specific issue. A simple majority is required.

If a member then votes against the party line in the Reichstag, they may face internal discipline. Such discipline is again determined by a majority vote of the party and may include any or all of the following (in increasing severity):

Verbal reprimand

Removal from all party offices (head of the Free unions, head of the Reichsbanner, cabinet position)

Reduced influence in party (up to one third of a member’s member of the Reichstag may be removed and distributed to other members of the SPD as determined by the non-sanctioned members)

Expulsion from the party

Any of these options carries some danger to the party, though, in that the sanctioned member may decide to leave the party and possibly take other members with him. Expulsion will inevitably have this effect.

However, the party can only operate well if loyalty to the core identity of the party is maintained.

Victory Goals Summary

Note: The Victory Points system is part of the full game and is not used in this course’s abridged three-session simulation.

NB: Faction and personal victory goals may conflict.

FACTIONAL VICTORY GOALS

Absolute Victory: The Republic survives with SPD-led cabinet or presidency; austerity defeated.

Absolute Defeat: The Republic ends as a parliamentary democracy; OR SPD ceases to exist as an independent party.

Stability Index Goal = HIGH (0 or higher)

Presidential Election = Müller OR not NSDAP or KPD

Type of Government = a democratic republic in form and content

Indeterminates/Splinters = convince to join your faction

Mandatory Agenda Items

PERSONAL VICTORY GOALS

Absolute Victory: SA and NSDAP are banned.

Absolute Defeat: Prussia loses its autonomy.

Stability Index Goal = HIGH (0 or higher)

Discretionary Agenda Issues

Censorship NO censorship